02.21.01
The
United States Should Rethink the Death Penalty
Felix
G. Rohatyn - The Washington Post Wednesday, February 21,
2001 Opinion & Editorial
NEW
YORK A subject that is rarely noted today is the challenge to
America's moral leadership in Europe. Most Frenchmen, as most
Europeans, admire America. They admire what we Americans do, what
we stand for and what we have done for them twice in the 20th
century. I have had the privilege of speaking on D-Day at the
Normandy military cemeteries and seeing tens of thousands of
Frenchmen paying their respects to the fallen GIs. France
considers itself, together with the United States, as the source
of human rights and modern democracy. It is important for the
United States to maintain this image in the eyes of Europeans, and
to protect the legitimacy of its moral leadership. This moral
leadership is under challenge because of two issues: the death
penalty and violence in our society. During my nearly four years
in France, no single issue evoked as much passion and as much
protest as executions in the United States. Repeated protests in
front of the embassy in Paris, protests at our consulates and,
just recently, a petition signed by 500,000 French men and women
delivered to our embassy in Paris were part of a constant refrain.
In France, the death penalty was outlawed in 1981, even though it
was still favored by a majority. The European Union outlaws the
death penalty. There is a strong belief among America's European
allies that it has no place in a civilized society. In addition,
the United States is seen as executing people who have not had
appropriate legal assistance, people who may be innocent, people
who are mentally retarded as well as minors. We are viewed as
executing disproportionate numbers of minorities and poor people,
and there is no compelling statistical evidence that the death
penalty is a greater deterrent to potential criminals than other
forms of punishment. When Governor George Ryan of Illinois, a
Republican who supported the death penalty, announced a moratorium
on executions in his state, I decided I had to rethink the issue
as well as to be willing to address it in interviews and questions
that followed my every public appearance. As a New Yorker who had
lived in a high-crime environment, I had always been favorable to
the death penalty, at least for certain major crimes. It was
sustained exposure to this issue in Europe, in interviews, in
taking questions at universities or just in social encounters,
that brought me around to supporting a moratorium while we review
the whole issue of capital punishment. I certainly do not believe
that just because our allies oppose the death penalty, we should
automatically follow. After all, the French legal system has its
own shortcomings. France does not provide for habeas corpus, which
I find incomprehensible in a democratic society, and French jails
are in dismal condition, according to a French study published
recently. But I believe that the reality of the situation is that
neither we nor our European allies can be proud of our criminal
justice systems. This is a hard issue, but crime and punishment
are hard issues. The U.S. Constitution speaks of "Cruel and
unusual punishment." Some of our closest allies think capital
punishment is cruel and unusual and it might be worthwhile to give
it some further thought. I was able to have a rational dialogue on
this issue in France by suggesting that neither we nor Europe had
found an appropriate answer to the challenges of crime and
punishment, to the reform of the penal system as a whole and to
the challenge of rehabilitation together with the necessity for
appropriate punishment. The death penalty, guns, violence in
society, these cast a large cloud on America's moral leadership. I
believe it would be worth having a dialogue on these difficult
subjects with our Atlantic allies - not by diplomats but by
jurists and parliamentarians and chiefs of police. At a time when
military, economic and political power, our so-called "hegemony,"
is a source of concern to many of our allies, it is important that
our moral leadership be sustained. The writer, ambassador to
France from 1997 to 2000, is a counselor of the Council on Foreign
Relations.
|