Turkey's
Choice: European Union or the Death Penalty
May 30, 2001
By
DOUGLAS FRANTZ
ISTANBUL,
May 29 � On some days, after he was beaten and raw sewage was
pumped into his darkened cell in a former morgue, Celalettin Can
would cower on the putrid floor and pray for the hangman to call
his name.
"Death
is not the most difficult thing," said Mr. Can, who said he
had been repeatedly tortured while awaiting execution for
membership in a left-wing terrorist group. "Within the
psychology of being tortured, death becomes a secondary fear.
Sometimes you pray for death. Staying alive is the hardest thing."
Mr.
Can, 45, escaped the gallows when his sentence was reduced for
procedural reasons. Two years ago, after 19 years on death row, he
was released into a twilight existence in which he has no legal
rights and can be returned to prison for the most minor offense.
The
death penalty remains on the books in Turkey, though no one has
been executed since 1984 as successive governments observe a
self-imposed moratorium. But the debate over whether to abolish it
is intensifying, and the outcome will play a decisive role in
determining whether Turkey joins the European Union.
Most
European countries have abolished the death penalty, and the
European Union requires members to ban it.
In
the United States, one of 87 countries still using it for common
crimes, the debate is framed by moral arguments about inequalities
and injustices in application.
In
Turkey the roots of the dispute are political: the politics of the
prisoners themselves, of Turkey's European Union candidacy, of
right-wing nationalists who say they want a unified country and of
progressives who say they want a democratic one.
A
parliamentary commission began debate last week on 51 proposed
constitutional amendments needed for Turkey to join the European
Union. They cover volatile matters like reducing the military's
political role and granting cultural rights to the Kurdish ethnic
minority.
Though
it is less sweeping in terms of remaking Turkey, the death penalty
could turn out to be the sticking point. As a price for the
coveted European Union membership, the governing coalition agreed
grudgingly to abolish the death penalty. But no date was set, and
the political will to do so has been questioned.
The
opposition of the coalition's right-wing partner, the Nationalist
Action Party, could block the reform package. The party's leaders
openly object to ending the death penalty for crimes against the
state, a category that embraces a wide spectrum of political
activity.
Roughly
half of the 47 people now on death row were convicted of political
crimes, according to human rights advocates. A handful were
members of right-wing groups, but most either supported the rebels
who seek a separate state for Turkey's roughly 12 million Kurds or
were part of left-wing organizations that advocate overthrowing
the state or are viewed with great suspicion by the political and
military elite.
"We
consider there are some risks in abolishing the death penalty for
crimes committed against the state and nation," Sevket Bulent
Yahnici, deputy chairman of the Nationalist Action Party, said in
an interview. "Within the party we have concerns about
abolishing the death penalty completely."
Party
leaders argue that ending the death penalty would allow Abdullah
Ocalan, the Kurdish rebel leader sentenced to death for treason in
1999, to go unpunished, eliminating a deterrent to other
separatist groups.
Opposition
also comes from within the military and the police, which have
both suffered heavy casualties from clashes with Kurdish rebels
and left-wing extremists.
"We
do not accept any good will for those who want to divide this
country and pull down our flag," said Mehmet Guner, director
of an organization for families of soldiers and police officers
killed in the line of duty. "Ending capital punishment should
not be a precondition to enter the European Union. If they like us,
they better accept us the way we are."
But
rights advocates and international organizations see the
opportunity to end the death penalty as an important step in
cleaning up broader problems in a country where torture remains
prevalent and the justice system is regarded as often arbitrary
and politically tainted.
Abolishing
the death penalty is also supported by the leading business
organization, the Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's
Association. The group issued a 10-point blueprint for reform last
week that included canceling capital punishment except in times of
war.
Capital
cases are heard by panels of three judges, and defendants can be
convicted and sentenced to death by majority vote. Convictions are
reviewed by the Supreme Court and must be ratified by Parliament
before an execution is carried out. Parliament has not acted on a
case since 1984, when two political prisoners were executed.
Political
trials occur in state security courts where acquittals are rare.
Eren Keskin, director of the Istanbul chapter of the national
Human Rights Association, said she has not seen an acquittal in a
political case in 17 years as a defense lawyer.
"Even
when the testimony comes from torture, with medical reports
proving the torture, no one is acquitted," she said in an
interview.
Criticism
of the death penalty comes from less predictable quarters, too.
Nejat Oztaskent, a retired army colonel who served as a military
prosecutor and a senior judge for 45 years, said too many
defendants were sentenced to death for political beliefs, without
sufficient evidence or reliable witnesses.
"It
is true murder to give capital punishment for political reasons,"
Mr. Oztaskent said in an interview. "How can you condemn
someone to death on transitory political terms that you
create?"
Turkey
has had some notable executions. Adnan Menderes, a former prime
minister, was hanged in 1961 after a military coup. And Mr.
Ocalan's death sentence has drawn sharp warnings from European
human rights courts and organizations that he must not be executed.
The
government recognizes the danger swirling around Mr. Ocalan's
sentence and seems unlikely to execute him or anyone else so long
as its European Union membership hangs in the balance.
Still,
Turkey's human rights record is unflattering, and critics contend
that executions are carried out regularly, not at the prison
gallows but through extrajudicial killings by the police and
paramilitary groups of people who have not been arrested or
convicted.
"Abolishing
the death penalty would not solve the problem," Bakir Caglar,
a law professor at Istanbul University who defended the government
in the European Court of Human Rights for seven years before
resigning, said in an interview.
Turkey
has proven deaf to criticism of its rights record in the past, but
the prospect of closer economic, military and cultural ties with
Europe may prove enough to persuade the politicians to enact many
changes, including erasing the death penalty from the books.
Until
then, the march goes on, even if the official executions do not.
Earlier this month, an appeals court upheld the death sentences of
31 Islamic extremists convicted of inciting a crowd to set a fire
that killed 37 intellectuals attending a conference in the Turkish
town of Sivas in 1993.
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